DISORDER IN PARLIAMENT
Dar es Salaam. Tanzania is a nation in a state of serious
uneasiness because after the retirement, and subsequent death of Mwalimu
Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the symbolic cello tape that held them as a
cohesive family, no-one has emerged to sustain that role decisively.
No-one has shot to the fore, either, as the
national compass, to serve as a national brand, act as a strong
stabilising force, reconcile divergent interests, influence policy,
co-ordinate implementation and sanction wayward characters, other key
attributes on which the designation of Mwalimu as Father of the Nation
rested.
This leadership hollowness – expressed by a cynic
as represented by lack of even a national stepfather of sorts has
deepened the uneasiness
This is the thread that runs through the
sentiments of some commentators on the eve of Nyerere Day tomorrow, when
Tanzanians and their well-wishers elsewhere, recall the blow they
suffered when Nyerere died of leukemia in a London hospital on October
10, 1999.
The commentators, alongside conversations beyond
media outlets, paint a picture of a people who are as saddened as they
are puzzled by the sharp differences in various aspects of social
welfare, between Nyerere’s era when the economy was relatively weak and
now, when it is supposed to be stronger but isn’t, ‘thanks’ to vices
like grand corruption, greed, and moral degeneration.
Divergence of opinions between Mwalimu devotees
and critics notwithstanding, one thing they are agreed on is: Under his
stewardship, stretching from 1961 to 1985 (as well as in an informal
advisory capacity up to when he died), the country had a sense of
purpose and being a Tanzanian was a badge of pride.
Interviewees said most people are very nostalgic
over Mwalimu, who they wish had still been around to redeem the nation
for whose liberation from colonialism he had been instrumental, and
whose leadership was sharply focussed.
The general feeling is that, under Nyerere’s
watch, some of the things happening today, some approximating
nightmarish dreams, could neither have happened nor even remotely
contemplated. One of these is the recurrent land conflicts and
inter-religious hostility.
Yet other examples are feverish bickering and physical confrontations in Parliament – the hallowed legislative arm of the State.
Horrifying, too, are the abduction and torture of
individuals and excessive use of police force. Many lament that
corruption, which Nyerere was most vocally against, was conducted by a
few courageous yet very fearful individuals very clandestinely, but had
now become literally fashionable.
Long gone are the days, they note, sadly, when
Tanzanians were respected as an incorruptible people; who, 14 years
after his departure from State House, and 14 after his death, are now
lumped in the same basket as the broader corruption-riddled humanity.
Taxi driver Mugisha Godwin of in Dar es Salaam,
who remembers Mwalimu fondly over being a beneficiary of
government-sponsored schooling (erroneously called free education)
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